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Pékin est l’allié objectif des islamistes au Xinjiang

Par Romain CONTIS - Membre de République Souveraine, le 7 avril 2021

Qui sont les Ouighours, rendus dernièrement célèbres par les feux de l’actualité, les montrant manifestant régulièrement sous leur drapeau bleu azur dans les différentes capitales occidentales pour la fin du « génocide » en cours depuis 2018 dans leur province, le Turkestan chinois ou Xinjiang, une Région autonome située à l’Ouest de la Chine et administrée par Pékin depuis le milieu du XVIIIe siècle ? 

Le « génocide » silencieux des Ouighours et des populations minoritaires du Xinjiang 

Depuis l’implantation chinoise au Turkestan oriental en 1758 et la transformation de la région en Province du Xinjiang (Nouvelle Province, en chinois) en 1884, les Ouighours et autres populations locales minoritaires de la province (Kazakhs, Mongols, Kirghiz, Tadjiks…) ont toujours vécu à des degrés divers des révoltes endémiques suivies de très violentes répressions de la part du pouvoir central situé à plus de 2 500 km de là, à Pékin. 

Cependant, depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de Xi Jinping en 2013, la répression s’est intensifiée sous couvert de lutte contre le séparatisme et le terrorisme et en réponse à une série d’attentats commis par des Ouighours dans les villes de la province dès la fin des années 1990. 

La politique des autorités chinoises a alors brutalement accentué dès 2018 sa radicalité, jusque-là rampante, en gommant toute visibilité de l’islam dans le paysage extérieur, en « rééduquant » les populations locales au communisme et à la sujétion chinoise et en internant systématiquement et dans discernement tous les Ouighours et autres populations minoritaires suspectés de séparatisme ou de croyances religieuses affichées, souvent sur simples dénonciations et sans preuves affichées. 

Déportés et logés dans des conditions inhumaines et soumis à des mauvais traitements dans les « centres de formation professionnelle » (dénomination officielle), les Ouighours et autres populations minoritaires du Xinjiang doivent y être « rééduqués » et leur cerveau lavé de tout sentiment identitaire et/ou religieux par le travail, souvent pour le compte de filiales d’entreprises occidentales profitant de cette main d’œuvre gratuite et corvéable à merci, le tout dans le silence gêné des capitales occidentales. 

Il convient de noter que la déportation des populations minoritaires est davantage suscitée par Pékin sur des motifs d’appartenance identitaire que religieuse. En effet, les quelques Ouighours turcophones bouddhistes ultraminoritaires n’échappent pas aux déportations, contrairement aux Huis, ces Chinois musulmans. Aujourd’hui, près de deux millions d’Ouighours et autres populations minoritaires seraient internés dans les camps et près d’un million aurait déjà péri de leurs conditions inhumaines d’internement – mais il est impossible d’avoir une vision claire de la situation, le gouvernement de Pékin refusant toute enquête internationale. 

Nous le constatons, tant par le soutien affiché des États islamistes du Golfe et de la Turquie de Recep Tayyip Erdogan à la Chine que par les trafics existant autour, la solidarité musulmane avec les Ouighours n’existe pas au niveau politique au sein de l’Oumma (la communauté musulmane), même parmi les régimes les plus religieux et conservateurs. 

La vulnérabilisation des populations locales au salafisme et au djihadisme 

Les populations musulmanes du Xinjiang pratiquent jusqu’à présent un islam sunnite modéré et essentiellement soufi et sont restées longtemps épargnées des influences radicales présentes dans le voisinage méridional de la province, soit au Tadjikistan, en Afghanistan et dans le Cachemire pakistanais et indien. 

Cependant, la répression implacable des autorités chinoises contribue depuis le début des années 1990 au développement de la radicalisation religieuse dans la province. En effet, la répression gouvernementale vise essentiellement à démanteler les élites laïques turcophones et leurs soutiens, jugés trop nationalistes et séparatistes, afin de saper toute opposition crédible. A ce jeu dangereux, équivalent à celui joué par Israël contre l’OLP à Gaza dans les années 1970, les populations musulmanes locales risquent à terme et faute d’alternatives de se tourner vers les islamistes, la seule opposition non totalement éradiquée et encore en place et disposant de relais clandestins. En cela, par sa politique répressive, Pékin est l’allié objectif des islamistes au Xinjiang, comme Israël l’avait auparavant été dans les années 1970 à Gaza. 

Il est indéniable qu’aujourd’hui, la radicalisation islamiste progresse partout au sein des populations musulmanes locales, tout en y demeurant encore largement marginale. Elle est salafiste et clandestine dans la province, djihadiste ailleurs, sur les théâtres du djihad cachemiri, afghan et syrien où la katiba (phalange combattante) du Parti islamiste du Turkestan est celle qui compte le plus de membres en comparaisons aux autres katibas centrasiatiques. 

L’exigence d’un Xinjiang autonome plus que d’un Turkestan indépendant 

Depuis peu, en Occident, notamment en France, la cause ouighoure progresse et trouve chez certains intellectuels et politiques une résonance, à l’image de la célèbre cause tibétaine. Autant il est heureux de lire que la détresse des populations locales est enfin entendue et qu’ « on » parle dorénavant -trop timidement encore- de mesures coercitives contre le gouvernement chinois (sanctions économiques), autant il faut modérer l’exaltation de certains intellectuels occidentaux rêvant d’un Turkestan indépendant débarrassé du joug chinois, en les appelant à plonger avec connaissance et  pragmatisme dans la complexité des réalités locales. 

En effet, une indépendance du Xinjiang entraînerait sans doute très rapidement des conséquences catastrophiques, déstabilisant durablement une province qui n’est pas homogène en peuplement, au nom de trois obstacles majeurs : 

  • Le premier obstacle est le manque de cohésion au sein des populations musulmanes locales. Forts de plus de 7 millions d’habitants, les Ouighours, turcophones, forment la première minorité de peuplement de la province. Ils vivent majoritaires au sud de la région, où ils pourraient former un bloc homogène, mais restent ultraminoritaires au nord essentiellement peuplé de Kazakhs et de Mongols et minoritaires à Urumqi, la capitale provinciale. Les deux expériences étatiques tentées au XXe siècle au Xinjiang se sont soldées par un échec : la République Islamique du Turkestan Oriental, d’essence ouighoure et centrée sur le bastion ouighour de Kachgar au sud de la province en 1933-1934, comme la République Populaire du Turkestan Oriental centrée quelques années plus tard, entre 1944 et 1949 au nord, près de Yining. Pour des raisons identiques, la création en 1934 par les autorités chinoises de la nationalité ouighoure, sur le modèle des nationalités soviétiques voisines, n’a pas non plus pris souche au nord et à l’ouest de la province parmi les populations nomades ou tadjikophones. 

  • Le second obstacle est le poids de la population chinoise han, issue en très grande partie des colons du bingtuan (Corps de Production et de Construction), mi-militairesmi-agriculteurs. Comptant un peu plus de 8 millions de personnes, les Hans devancent désormais en nombre les Ouighours au Xinjiang, mais s’ils sont désormais majoritaires (y compris à Urumqi), ils restent inégalement répartis. Ils peuvent s’enorgueillir d’avoir développé la province, avec de nombreuses routes et voies ferrées performantes dans le cadre des « nouvelles routes de la soie » et des surfaces agricoles de culture intensive, des industries, une exploitation pétrolière et des centres d’affaires. Toutefois, dans le développement de ce Far West qu’est le Xinjiang, les populations minoritaires locales sont toujours restées au bord de la route, jusqu’à être spoliées de leurs terres et/ou de leurs maisons au nom de la croissance chinoise. 

  • Le troisième obstacle serait l’affaiblissement d’un Etat indépendant face au djihadisme présent dans les États voisins de son flanc sud. Les passes himalayennes reliant la province au Cachemire indien et pakistanais, à l’Afghanistan et au Tadjikistan doivent absolument être fermement tenues. Pékin a déjà installé un maillage de « points de contrôle » militaires extraterritoriaux dans le Haut-Badakhchan tadjik et le Wakhan afghan, lui permettant de contrôler en amont de ses frontières les flux de personnes et de marchandises en provenance des zones de l’arc de crises. Un État turkestanais indépendant affaiblirait cette ligne de défense face au djihadisme et déstabiliserait alors l’ensemble de l’Asie centrale. 

Aussi, il serait vain, voire dangereux, pour ces raisons de défendre l’idée d’un Turkestan indépendant. Cependant, la situation actuelle du statu-quo ne peut être acceptée comme telle et il y aurait une porte de sortie en ligne de crête, médiane, entre d’un côté l’obstination autoritaire de Pékin et, de l’autre, la radicalisation nationaliste et/ou religieuse des populations locales. 

Pour République Souveraine, il faut donc d’abord que Pékin cesse sa répression aveugle et sa politique d’internement au Xinjiang (République Souveraine condamne l’exploitation des prisonniers tant par les filiales des entreprises chinoises qu’occidentales et les trafics liés à leur sort). Il faut ensuite que les populations locales soient davantage associées par Pékin au pouvoir politique local et au développement économique et culturel de la province. La possibilité du retour à une pratique religieuse libre et non politisée devrait aussi être prônée. Enfin, il est urgent que Pékin renoue au plus vite le dialogue avec l’opposition laïque locale, actuellement réprimée sur place ou réfugiée en exil, en premier lieu avec la courageuse et très laïque Présidente du Congrès mondial des Ouighours (principale organisation politique des Ouighours en exil), Rebiya Kadeer, dans le cadre d’un projet d’un Xinjiang autonome, pour pouvoir ensuite mieux redéfinir les contours politiques, économiques et culturels de l’administration provinciale, ainsi que pour lutter plus efficacement contre l’islamisme turkestanais (y compris hui).  

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